Written Testimony of Stephen Hsu;
CEO, Safeweb

Before the U.S. China Economic and Security Review Commission
January 18, 2002 Public Hearings on

WTO Compliance and Sectoral Issues


Mr. Chairman and members of the Subcommittee: Thank you for this opportunity to share my views on this important subject. Before beginning my remarks, let me briefly introduce myself. I am currently a professor of theoretical physics at the University of Oregon. In 2000, I co-founded an Internet privacy and security company called SafeWeb, Inc. SafeWeb develops leading-edge security and encryption software that is used by corporations, government agencies and individuals to protect important information in transit over the Internet.

SafeWeb is backed by several venture capital funds, including In-Q-Tel (), the CIA venture fund. In 2001 our servers secured over 1.5 billion Web transactions with 128-bit encryption. One of our software products, called “Triangle Boy” is deployed in a worldwide network used by tens of thousands of people, particularly in the PRC, to evade local government censorship of Web activity. This network is supported in part through a pilot project with the U.S. Voice of America. Next month, SafeWeb will launch a new product, called the Secure Extranet Appliance (SEA), which enables secure remote network access by employees and partners via any Web browser. I believe it will find broad deployment by private companies as well as government agencies.

Let me begin my testimony with some comments on China’s future economic and technological potential. China is already a strong competitor in low to medium value added industries ranging from textiles to light manufacturing and low-end electronics. However, many will surprised at the speed with which China develops capabilities in areas such as semiconductors, advanced networking and telecommunications equipment, computer components and perhaps even software development. An abundance of aggressive and well-educated Chinese engineers and entrepreneurs are in place to benefit from knowledge transfer and capital flows from abroad. Technology and capital will come not only from America, Europe and Japan, but from China’s own “renegade province”, Taiwan. Taiwanese companies, which account for 60% of world laptop production, 79% of world motherboard production, and are the second largest buyers of semiconductor manufacturing equipment (after the United States, but ahead of Japan), have already begun investing in production and even R&D capacity in China. Over 300,000 Taiwanese entrepreneurs are living in Shanghai alone, and several multi-billion dollar chip fabrication plants already under construction there. WTO will only hasten these trends, as it lends clarity and predictability to the business environment.

However, as China transforms itself into a formidable world economic competitor, it will itself face tremendous internal challenges. With its ascension to WTO, China’s inefficient state-owned enterprises (SOEs) will come under enormous pressure. Inevitable large scale restructuring will lead to unemployment and loss of social benefits for many workers. The state is well aware of this, and will presumably choose its battles carefully in protecting certain industries as much as possible. However, there will be many losers in the reorganization of China’s economy, particularly among peasants and among older workers. Among the former group, there are already millions of migrant workers living illegally in cities like Beijing, where they are relegated to the lowest forms of labor. The likely result of this misery and inequality is widespread social unrest, which the government will undoubtedly act brutally to suppress. Many experts estimate that China must maintain economic growth rates of roughly 7-8% just to keep unemployment and other social problems within tolerable bounds. An extended period of lower economic growth could lead to social instability, and perhaps even the collapse of the current government.

Let me now turn to the impact of the information revolution on this complex and rapidly changing country. Currently in China there are approximately 120 million mobile phone users -- more than in the U.S.! While this only amounts to 10% of the population, we can expect that within 5 years a much larger fraction, perhaps a third, will have mobile phones. Currently, about 30 million Chinese use the Internet. This number is also increasing rapidly, perhaps doubling on a yearly timescale. Within 5 years so-called 3G (third generation) wireless technologies will be in place, which allow Internet access over a mobile phone. Therefore, between fixed-line and wireless access, it is very likely that within five years a critical mass – perhaps 30-50% of the Chinese population, comparable to the current U.S. fraction -- will have some form of Internet access! Five years is quite a short time, and I think it is very important that we think through the implications and prepare for this eventuality now.

What are the implications of widespread Internet access? An optimist would argue that the Internet (and telecommunications in general) enables individual freedom of expression and freedom of information. Both of these freedoms are crucial underpinnings of democracy and the rule of law. They are in short supply today in China, and one might argue that they are crucial to China’s continued economic, social and political development.

While there is no denying that the Internet generally enables free expression and communication, a careful analysis reveals that governments can indeed exert substantial control over the medium. (For a domestic example, one might ask the founders of Napster whether the Internet is beyond government control.) Local Internet Service Providers (ISPs), in the U.S. as well as in China, can easily log the behavior of individual users, such as what sites they access and what information they download. These logs are available to state security forces and are easy to search using simple software running on inexpensive hardware. In China, the Ministry of Information Industry (MII) and State Council Information Office (SCIO) have now deployed the infrastructure to block access to offending Web sites which are hosted outside of China. Well-known examples of blocked sites are those of CNN, The New York Times and VOA, but the sites that the Chinese government are most concerned about are Chinese language sites such as ChineseNewsnet.com, which provide translated international news stories.

The example of the school explosion in Jianxi province provides an interesting example of the future promise and current limitations of the Internet in China. In March 2001 chat rooms were closed down following the posting of comments accusing the government of covering up an explosion in a school in Jianxi province. The Western press, alerted by the chat room information, reported that primary school children were forced to make firecrackers in order to subsidize the school's income. In contrast, Premier Zhu Rongji claimed that a suicide bomber set off the explosion. Villagers contradicted Zhu and the official media in chat rooms and on bulletin boards. Criticism focused on the level of spending on education and the government's handling of the tragedy. Eventually, the government retracted the original story and Zhu came as close to a public apology as any politician in recent Chinese history.

This example makes clear the power of a free Internet in the hands of concerned citizens, and the quandary faced by any totalitarian state that craves the economic and technological benefits of the Internet while fearing its democratic potential. One can only imagine the problems that the Chinese government will face when 30-50% of the population has Internet access. Yet, in the future the government may have the capability to track down individuals who post critical comments and punish them, thereby stifling dissent.

One important technological consideration in this discussion is the widespread availability of encryption technology. Every modern Web browser has the capability to encrypt data with ciphers sufficiently powerful that even national intelligence agencies cannot decrypt the content. These capabilities were included in browsers to enhance e-commerce capabilities, over the objections of U.S. intelligence services. SafeWeb’s Triangle Boy software exploits the encryption capability of browsers and creates a distributed network which allows individual users in China to access the entire Web through an unbreakable encrypted channel. Currently, it is used approximately 100,000 times per day despite vigorous efforts on the part of Chinese security forces to hunt down and block access to the network. As a small venture-backed company, SafeWeb does not have the resources to further develop this network, since it does not generate revenues. However, we are eager to see the technology in the hands of a stable entity such as the U.S. government. The cost of further developing and deploying this technology can be measured in millions of dollars, but I believe that this is a small cost compared to the possible benefits.

For a price far less than the cost of a single fighter jet, the U.S. can ensure that in the event of a future spy plane incident or diplomatic impasse, the Chinese people will have access to more that just the official government version of the events.

Thank you, Mr. Chairman, for this opportunity to speak.