Opening Statement of Vice Chairman C. Richard D’Amato

                                       U.S.-China Commission

 

                                                  Hearing on

                     Chinas’ Growth as a Regional economic Power:

                                        Impact and Implications

 

                                             December 4, 2003

                             124 Dirksen Senate Office Building

 

 

The impact of China’s new diplomacy, heightened economic activity and political muscle on U.S. strategic interests in Asia is a matter of continuous interest by the China Commission. And it is being increasingly noted and written upon by political and economic commentators across the world.

 

The reason is simple and obvious – the U.S. has long been a Pacific power, indeed, the dominant power in the Pacific, and has far flung alliances and friendships throughout the region.

 

And, to be blunt, China is on the make.  Research conducted by the University of Maryland at our direction shows that Chinese public writings and press attention indicate a deep  sense of competition and even hostility on the part of the Chinese regime at what it regards as U.S. crowding in the Asia region, depicting us continuously as a “hegemon”, a highly derogatory word in the Chinese language, who works to encircle China, keep her chained up and attempts to deny her a rightful place in the sun.  Thus, China plainly regards the U.S. as a competitor power, not a cooperative power engaging her in the region. Unfortunately,  China’s leaders continuously broadcast this negative characterization of  U.S. foreign policy through its controlled media and protected internet, to its population.

 

There are some tentative signs that this attitude might be softening over time, in particular the apparent cooperative actions that have been taken to resolve the Korean nuclear crisis.  The jury is out on this however, and the latest Chinese proposal on the Korea matter is unsatisfactory on the issue most important to the Congress, i.e., an effective verification regime. Indeed the latest Chinese proposal we are told contains so little on this subject that the negotiations have been postponed for several months, a development of very serious concern to us.

 

Let me also point out that the Taiwan matter is a subject that the Commission has devoted and will devote considerable attention to.  Taiwan is, of course, a major success story for the U.S., in that a new democracy has been created there, which, as democracies are wont to do, is exercising its rights and vocalizing.  It follows the other successful experiments in democracy which the U.S. has had a hand in, namely Japan, South Korea and the Philippines, Thailand and even Indonesia.  Congress has directed this commission to develop a detailed record as to the legal and policy foundation of the U.S.-Taiwan relationship, which is grounded, of course, on the Taiwan Relations Act. The TRA was written almost wholly in the Congress and is the single point of departure of U.S. legal and political guidance on our relations with that island. Presidents from Jimmy Carter, to Ronald Reagan to the present incumbent have repeatedly reiterated that policy, that the U.S. will take every appropriate step to defend Taiwan’s right to exist, to be free from bullying and certainly not tolerate any attempt by Beijing to forcibly include Taiwan within Beijing’s sovereign orbit, which today would amount to a dictatorship extinguishing a settled democracy.  There are some, unfortunately in this country who believe Taiwan has gotten in the way of better U.S.-China relations.  However, certainly a  case can be made that this is an issue manufactured primarily in  Beijing, and being imposed on the U.S. as a test of our resolve. For the Chinese it is a matter of power.  Surely we are not saying that we value potential democracies in the Middle East above actual democracies existing in Asia.  For the U.S. it should be simply a matter of standing by the commitments for peaceful evolution that has been the keystone of U.S. policy for many decades. 

 

Congress is entitled to a complete rendition of the negotiating and historical record of Executive branch activities vis-à-vis Taiwan, some of which is not well understood and have not been satisfactorily communicated to the Congress.

 

The dynamics of our relationship with China in Asia are now a fast moving game with many faces. We are seeking a better understanding of the stakes for U.S. trade and investment in the region, and to refresh and stimulate our relationships with our treaty partners and friends. The Commission looks forward to the testimony by our distinguished panelists.